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Gary, Indiana
Murder Capitol of the World
84% Black and 80 Homicides per 100,000
population
http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/18/1827000.html
Gary, Indiana: "Violent
crime in Gary, Indiana, is increasing at an alarming rate. Last year, Gary had the highest
per capita murder rate in the United States. BJA provided the city's Violent Crime Task
Force with $112,000 to target, investigate, and prosecute individuals committing violent
crimes with firearms in and around the city. Since the inception of the grant in 1994, 130
firearms have been seized, 98 investigations have been initiated, and 44 arrests have been
made."
 | Did poverty cause crime? NO, income of blacks in Gary is in the top one
percentile of the WORLD. |
 | Did crowded conditions cause crime? NO, the population of Gary is only
100,000! |
 | Did Whites cause crime? NO, blacks forced Whites to MOVE from Gary
which previously had the LOWEST crime in the nation. |
 | Did blacks improve Gary? NO, their movement to Gary forced the steel
industry offshore just like their movement to Detroit forced the auto
industry offshore. |
 | Did blacks improve themselves? NO, they are the vast majority of
the murder victims. |
Help blacks help themselves--help them move to discrimination-free,
White-free Liberia!
http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/503.html
| Gary, IN |
Lake County, 25 miles SE
of the Loop. Founded in 1906 on the undeveloped southern shore of Lake Michigan 30
miles east of Chicago, Gary was the creation of the U.S. Steel Corporation, which had been
searching for a cheap but convenient Midwestern site for a massive new steel production
center. The city was named after industrialist Elbert H. Gary, chairman of the board of
U.S. Steel. Anticipating a large population of steelworkers, Gary Land Company, a U.S.
Steel subsidiary, laid out a gridiron city plan, built a variety of houses and apartments,
and advertised its new creation far and wide as the Magic City or the
City of the Century. Real-estate
speculators and private builders came to control the new city's south side, however, where
shoddy building of small houses and barrack-type apartments contradicted modern planning
principles and dictated rapid slum development. Partially planned but partially abandoned
to land speculators, Gary quickly came to be known as one of the new satellite
cities, or industrial suburbs, growing up in Chicago's widening orbit of economic
influence.
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Steel Strike in Gary, Indiana, 1919
The new Gary Works of U.S. Steel supplied the steel demands of the Midwest's expanding
industrial economy in the early twentieth century. The city of Gary became home to a
rapidly growing population of European immigrants, and, by the 1920s, southern blacks and
immigrants from Mexico as well. The city's population grew to about 55,000 in 1920 and
over 100,000 in 1930. Immigrants and their American-born children made up 45 percent of
the population in 1930, while blacks constituted almost 18 percent. The mostly unskilled
immigrant steelworkers came primarily from Southern and Eastern Europefrom Italy,
Greece,
Poland,
Russia,
and the Balkanswhile the company's skilled workers and managerial staff were
primarily English, Irish,
German,
or native-born. African Americans from
the American South began migrating to Gary after the outbreak of World War I and the
cessation of European immigration. In the 1920s, as immigration restriction became
permanent, Mexican workers were
imported by U.S. Steel to fill unskilled jobs in the mills. By 1930, over 9,000 Mexicans
resided in Gary and nearby East Chicago,
Indiana.
Throughout its first half century, Gary served as a testing ground for the assimilation
and Americanization
of European immigrants. By contrast, blacks and Mexicans were marginalized and isolated
behind powerful walls of discrimination, segregation, and racism. Many of the
city's American institutionsits schools, churches,
workplaces, settlement houses,
political system, and newspapersfocused on the struggle to Americanize the immigrant
steelworkers and their families as soon as possible. Gary's nationally famous
work-study-play or platoon school system, implemented by long-term
school superintendent William A. Wirt, sought to Americanize immigrant children and
prepare them for industrial work.
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Land Sales in Gary, Indiana, n.d.
Gary's network of settlement houses and Protestant churches
worked to Protestantize as well as Americanize the newcomers. However, Gary's immigrants
established their own communal networks and ethnic institutions designed to retain
language, culture, and custom. The conflict between native culture and immigrant newcomer
was highlighted in the Great Steel Strike of 1919, when
the mostly foreign-born steelworkers were depicted as radicals and revolutionariesa
portrayal used to justify mobilization of federal soldiers to put down the strike,
ultimately delaying the unionization of the
steelworkers until the late 1930s, when New Deal legislation
protected union organizing efforts.
Gary grew substantially in the 1920s, as a native-born booster elite worked with U.S.
Steel leaders to transform the city physically and plan its future growth. At the same
time, ethnicity, race, and class shaped relationships among the city's diverse and
socially fragmented cultures. Throughout the 1920s, the city's apparent economic
prosperity remained dangerously dependent on a single industry, a condition that backfired
during the Great Depression when
the steel mills cut back production by 80 percent, unemployment soared,
most banks failed, and the city government faced bankruptcy. The city was dominated
politically by the local Republican Party
until the 1930s, but an emerging New Deal political coalition prompted the ascendancy of a
Democratic
Party machine that retained power until well into the 1990s.
The economic demands of World War II revived
the steel industry and pulled Gary out of the Depression. Wartime consensus shattered in
late 1940s and after. Racial segregation and strife, labor problems in steel, industrial
pollution, and political corruption (which had been persistent since the 1920s) earned
Gary a national reputation as a troubled town. The city's population continued to grow
moderately, reaching 133,911 in 1950 and 175,415 in 1970. But the composition of
population was changing rapidly: African Americans made up 18 percent of the population in
1930, 29 percent in 1950, and 53 percent in 1970.
Population and politics were related. A succession of white ethnic mayors in the 1950s
and 1960s ended in 1967 with the election of Richard G. Hatcher, one of the nation's first
big-city black mayors. White flight to nearby suburbs had already begun in the 1960s, but
Hatcher's election and subsequent confrontational style speeded the process considerably,
paralleled now by white business flight as well. As descendants of European immigrants
emptied out of the city, the population declined dramatically to 116,646 by 1990, while
the proportion of African Americans rose to over 80 percent. With a secure black power
base, Hatcher was reelected four times, an unusual record for big-city administrations,
and served a total of 20 years as Gary's mayor.
Blacks anticipated better times under Hatcher, but disappointment gradually replaced
political euphoria. The Hatcher years were accompanied by steel company
disinvestmentGary had over 30,000 steelworkers in the late 1960s but fewer than
6,000 in 1987. Hatcher also faced the consequences of national policy shifts as the urban
development programs of the Great Society years
began winding down under the Nixon and succeeding presidential administrations. Hatcher
worked hard to reverse long-standing patterns of institutional racism and to initiate
various economic development strategies, but the task was difficult given continued white
political and business opposition to Hatcher's initiatives at the county and state level.
In 1987, another black Democrat with a less confrontational style, Thomas A. Barnes,
ousted Hatcher and began two uneventful terms. In 1995, however, two black candidates
divided the African American vote in the Democratic mayoral primary, permitting white
attorney Scott King to win the mayor's office. Blacks continued to control the city
council, which blocked many of King's proposals for governmental change and economic
development. Created early in the twentieth century on a wave of optimism for the future,
Gary came to exemplify in many respects the troubled state of urban America at the end of
the century.
Raymond A. Mohl |
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